尊敬的用户您好，这是来自FT中文网的温馨提示：如您对更多FT中文网的内容感兴趣，请在苹果应用商店或谷歌应用市场搜索“FT中文网”，下载FT中文网的官方应用。
A few weeks ago, Russian authorities returned to Ukraine the body of Yevhen Matveyev, mayor of Dniprorudne, a Russian-occupied town. He was captured after President Vladimir Putin’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. The Russians offered no explanation of Matveyev’s death. In September, Viktoria Roshchyna, a Ukrainian journalist who bravely reported on conditions in Russian-held areas, died in captivity. She was 27.
几周前，俄罗斯当局将叶夫亨•马特维耶夫(Yevhen Matveyev)的遗体归还给乌克兰。叶夫亨•马特维耶夫是俄罗斯占领的城市第聂伯鲁德尼的市长。在2022年2月弗拉基米尔•普京(Vladimir Putin)全面入侵乌克兰后，他被捕。俄罗斯方面没有对马特维耶夫的死因作出解释。9月，勇敢报道俄罗斯控制区情况的乌克兰记者维多利亚•罗什奇娜(Viktoria Roshchyna)在被拘禁期间去世，年仅27岁。
The longer Putin’s war of aggression has gone on, the less often such stories make the headlines. We hear a lot about Russian military advances in eastern Ukraine, less about what is happening to people in the occupied areas. But if, as seems possible, Ukraine agrees to a ceasefire next year on the west’s advice, it is as certain as night follows day that ruthless repression and Russification will continue in the roughly 20 per cent of Ukrainian territory expected to remain in Russian hands.
普京的侵略战争持续的时间越长，这类故事上头条的频率就越低。我们经常听到关于俄罗斯在乌克兰东部的军事进展，却很少听到关于被占领地区人民的情况。但如果乌克兰在西方的建议下明年同意停火，那么可以肯定的是，在预计仍由俄罗斯控制的大约20%的乌克兰领土上，残酷的镇压和俄罗斯化将继续下去。
A growing war weariness in Ukraine and the desire of some western governments to end the fighting may enable Putin to retain de facto, though not legal, control of his conquests. But if so, the west will need a strong stomach for what will come next. To judge from Russia’s actions over the past three years — and longer in the case of Crimea, annexed in 2014 — the occupied areas will suffer a fate like that of western Ukraine and the Baltic states, seized by Joseph Stalin in the second world war and incorporated into the USSR.
乌克兰国内日益增长的厌战情绪和一些西方国家政府希望结束战斗的愿望，可能会让普京保留对其征服地的实际控制，尽管不是合法控制。但如果是这样的话，西方国家就需要对接下来发生的事情有足够的承受力。从俄罗斯过去三年的行动，以及更长期2014年吞并的克里米亚来看，被占领地区的命运将与第二次世界大战中被约瑟夫•斯大林夺取并并入苏联的乌克兰西部和波罗的海国家一样。
Accurate information about occupied Ukraine right now is difficult but not impossible to come by. One authoritative source is the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. In October, Mariana Katzarova, the office’s special rapporteur for Russia, said: “Hundreds of Ukrainian detainees, including civilians and prisoners of war, are being forcibly transferred within Russian-occupied territories of Ukraine or deported to the Russian Federation, where they are held incommunicado and tortured for information or as punishment.”
目前很难获得关于被占领乌克兰的准确信息，但并非一无所知。一个权威来源是联合国人权事务高级专员办事处。10月，该办公室负责俄罗斯事务的特别报告员玛丽安娜•卡扎罗娃(Mariana Katzarova)表示：“数百名乌克兰被拘留者，包括平民和战俘，被强行转移到俄罗斯占领的乌克兰领土内，或被驱逐到俄罗斯联邦，在那里他们被单独监禁，并遭受酷刑以获取信息或作为惩罚。”
There are credible reports of war crimes and human rights violations from Ukrainian non-governmental organisations and investigative media. Very occasionally, grim news emerges from Russia itself. In November, a military court in Rostov-on-Don sentenced two Russian soldiers to life in prison for killing a Ukrainian family of nine, including two children, in the occupied town of Volnovakha. The soldiers’ motives fell into the category of “political, ideological, racial, national or religious hatred”.
乌克兰非政府组织和调查媒体都有关于战争罪和侵犯人权行为的可靠报道。偶尔，俄罗斯也会传出一些令人沮丧的消息。11月，顿河畔罗斯托夫的一家军事法庭判处两名俄罗斯士兵终身监禁，罪名是他们在被占领的沃尔诺瓦哈镇杀害了包括两名儿童在内的一家九口乌克兰人。这两名士兵的动机属于“政治、意识形态、种族、民族或宗教仇恨”。
Another well-documented crime is the forcible abduction to Russia of Ukrainian children. Putin signed a decree putting these children on a fast track to Russian citizenship. The abductions prompted the International Criminal Court to issue an arrest warrant for him and for Maria Lvova-Belova, Russia’s misleadingly named commissioner for children’s rights. According to the Ukrainian website Children of War, almost 20,000 children have been deported or forcibly displaced.
另一项有据可查的罪行是强行将乌克兰儿童绑架到俄罗斯。普京签署了一项法令，让这些儿童快速获得俄罗斯国籍。这些绑架事件促使国际刑事法院对普京和俄罗斯儿童权利专员玛丽亚•利沃娃•贝洛娃(Maria Lvova-Belova)发出了逮捕令。据乌克兰网站“战争中的儿童”(Children of War)称，近两万名儿童被驱逐出境或被迫流离失所。
The state-sanctioned removal of children points to a central aim of Russian policy in the occupied areas — the systematic eradication of Ukrainian identity. One route to this goal is to seize people’s homes and make it impossible for them to regain them unless they acquire Russian passports. Another is to declare homes ownerless and move Russian settlers into them. A third is to Russify the education system and use Roskomnadzor, Russia’s internet censor, to block independent Ukrainian websites.
国家批准迁移儿童的做法表明了俄罗斯在占领区政策的核心目标——有计划地消除乌克兰人的身份。实现这一目标的途径之一是夺取家园，除非他们获得俄罗斯护照，否则不可能重返家园。另一条途径是宣布房屋无主，让俄罗斯定居者搬进去。第三种方法是将教育系统俄罗斯化，并利用俄罗斯的互联网审查机构Roskomnadzor来封锁独立的乌克兰网站。
Few occupied areas have been more rigorously Russified than Crimea. And of the people there, few have been treated more mercilessly than the Crimean Tatar minority. Some 250,000 lived in Crimea at the start of the century, but about 20,000 left the peninsula for mainland Ukraine after the 2014 annexation. Another 10,000 went abroad after the 2022 invasion to avoid conscription into Russia’s armed forces. In a newly published book about the Crimean Tatars, the British scholar Donald Rayfield describes Russia’s actions since 2014 as “the last stage of an ethnic genocide”.
几乎没有哪个被占领地区的俄罗斯化比克里米亚更严格。在那里的人民中，很少有比克里米亚鞑靼少数民族受到的待遇更无情的了。本世纪初，约有25万人生活在克里米亚，但在2014年被吞并后，约有2万人离开前往乌克兰本土。另有1万人在2022年入侵后出国，以避免被征召入伍。英国学者唐纳德•雷菲尔德((Donald Rayfield)在新出版的一本关于克里米亚鞑靼人的书中，将俄罗斯自2014年以来的行动描述为“种族灭绝的最后阶段”。
It is the last stage because, in 1944, Stalin deported the entire Crimean Tatar population from its homeland (many returned in the 1980s and 1990s). Tens of thousands died en route to central Asia and Siberia. Similar horrors were inflicted on Poles, Balts and other minorities.
这是最后一个阶段，因为在1944年，斯大林将整个克里米亚鞑靼人从他们的家园驱逐（许多人在20世纪80年代和90年代返回）。成千上万的人在前往中亚和西伯利亚的途中死亡。类似的恐怖也降临在波兰人、波罗的海人和其他少数民族身上。
Memories of these crimes explain why many central and eastern Europeans, including Ukrainians, abhor the idea of leaving Putin in control of areas seized since 2022. They know what Russia has done in the past, what it is doing now and what it will do in the future. A ceasefire seems on the horizon — but if it happens, the aftermath will rest on our consciences for much longer.
对这些罪行的记忆解释了为什么包括乌克兰人在内的许多中欧和东欧人憎恶让普京控制自2022年以来占领区的想法。他们知道俄罗斯过去做了什么，现在在做什么，将来会做什么。停火似乎就在眼前，但如果发生，其后果将长期令我们难以释怀。